Rwanda’s Kagame may ride on a cow’s back to election victory

The blissful crowd at Rulindo, this agricultural district of northern Rwanda, has been singing and dancing to campaign songs all morning as they wait for the man the Economist recently characterised as a “flawed hero.”

As it approaches 1pm, this thin, tall and seemingly self-assured man in a polo T-shirt, corduroy pants and pair of snickers leads a convoy into the venue. President Paul Kagame has driven himself here for his second campaign rally (not unusual for a man who drops his children in school whenever he can).

The rare image of an African president driving himself to a rally leaves no doubt who is in charge here. The general sets the pace for his country—literally.

The songs are deafening as he steps onto then dais, greets party officials and then does the most unexpected of many an African president.

He advances to the crowd, jumps over the cordon of school desks and joins a group of singers as they belt out what has now become a popular tune across Rwanda.

“How can you betray a man who has given your children milk?” asks the lead singer as the crowd joins in chanting “Tora Polo” (we learn it translates to Vote for Paul).

In world media circuit, the Rwandese leader wears two faces — that of an innovative, popular and no-nonsense go getter, and that of a cold-hearted strongman.

He is credited for stabilising Rwanda after the 1994 genocide, which made it a an unenviable candidate for a failed state. Today, Rwanda has been described as a model for the African renaissance. Under his watch, the economy has registered considerable growth, incomes have increased by 30 per cent, corruption levels have gone down and the country is becoming increasingly attractive to major businesses.

But that is not the reason he is poised to win the August 9 presidential election. If he wins the Monday poll, an eccentric political observer would be forgiven for reckoning that President Kagame rode on a cow to victory.

Besides stability, a cow is turning out to be his greatest offering for the Rwandese peasant. Incidentally, like the Maasai, the Rwandese attach great value to cows.

And the Kagame campaign machine has effectively used the animal to show his “benevolence” and commitment to the fight against poverty amongst the rural poor.

Under the hugely successful Girinka project, the government decided to give a cow to every poor family. The aim of the scheme, which started in 2005, was to improve livelihoods and boost milk production.

A farmer is given a dairy cow, most of them imported from Kenya, South Africa and Ireland. When the animal calves, the family surrenders the calf to neighbours and the circle continues.

Officials say nearly 110,000 families have benefited. Now the project has become a central narrative in the campaign. And there is every likelihood that the Rwandese People’s Front candidate will be the big reaper.

A chunk of Rwandese voters, mostly in the rural areas which constitute a bulk of the country’s 11 million population, are prepared to support him on this one consideration — the family inka (cow).

“I would certainly vote for him,” says Salama Francein, a mother of three.

“Because of the cow I can afford school fees for my children.”

Mr Manishimwe Emmanuel, a resident of Rulindo is equally excited. “If you want to say it is political bribery, then Mzee has bribed the poor with a cow and we are happy.”

Vote to reward achievement

Talking to prospective voters in the villages and streets of Kigali you form the impression that their decision would not be pegged on what the President pledges to do: They will vote to “reward” achievement.

To many Rwandese, Mr Kagame, 52, is an embodiment of their pains and hope. One can hazard that the military general holds the country at ransom with hope.

The situation is aggravated by lack of a strong opposition, a situation blamed on him. Mr Kagame who was elected President in 2003, has been accused of a brutal crackdown on alternative voices throughout his tenure.

Due to the lack of an organised political machine for an alternative, the Rwandese peasant and bureaucrat is stuck with him. And as one diplomat has put, it is in the Rwandese culture to listen to authority.

Though he faces three opponents, they are so weak — and so disadvantaged — to dent his fortunes.

President Kagame has mobilised all government instruments to support his effort. The Rwandan civil service is a key behemoth at the service of the campaign, clearing ground for what is undoubtedly a one-horse race.

“In my view these are not elections,” former speaker of the Rwandan parliament, Mr Joseph Sebarenzi, told the media.

Mr Kagame is dismissive of claims that he has cut the opposition at the knee. “My job hasn’t been to create the opposition. My job is creating an environment where the opposition can develop, but some people think that it is their job to create the opposition in Rwanda from the outside.”

Several opposition parties claim they have been prevented from taking part in the polls. He faces off against the deputy speaker of parliament Damascene Ntawukuliryayo, enate vice-president Prosper Higiro and Alvera Mukabaramba of the Party of Peace and Concord.

According to The Economist, Mr Kagame “allows less political space and press freedom at home than (President) Robert Mugabe does in Zimbabwe”, and “anyone who poses the slightest political threat to the regime is dealt with ruthlessly”.

He has also been accused of preying on fears of another genocide to intimidate the media and opponents, accusations that leave him hot under the collar.

Two months ago, Ms Victoire Ingabire of the unregistered Unified Democratic Forces was put under house arrest over claims that she had denied genocide.

This is genocide ideology

“If we say ‘Hutus were also victims,’ for the government, this is genocide ideology,” Ingabire says.

But Mr Kagame alleges that she “has a background of criminality for which she has to answer.”

Another politician, Mr Andre Kagwa Rwisereka, vice president of the Democratic Green Party, was beheaded while a journalist critical of government was shot dead in controversial circumstances. All fingers were pointed the government.

Clearly unsettled, he fights to remain cool when a journalist raises questions on the crackdown on opposition politicians and media.

“What would be the logic of killing somebody in the Green Party. I never knew I would be in such a government that would be that stupid to kill a journalist, an opposition leader, one after another.”
In an interview at his Kigali office, Mr Kagame comes out as a man of a bitter, resolute and highly dismissive candour. He can barely disguise a certain bitterness with “hypocritical” western governments.

People complaining for Rwandese

He is bitter with what he describes as Rwanda’s “self-appointed spokesmen.” Bitter with “people complaining for Rwandese.”

“These impediments stem from self appointed spokesmen and women of Rwandans who mainly live abroad and don’t know anything about Rwanda.”

Mr Kagame has, however, declared that the election newt week will be free and fair and will “leave the Rwandese in peace” if defeated.

“Being a president is not something I have been dying for,” he says. “I wasn’t born with sorghum in my hands. Here in Rwanda, people born with sorghum were said to be born leaders.

If disaster struck and somebody (a leader) died, these people born with sorghum were made presidents even if they were five years old.”