Was Al-Shabaab used in Mpeketoni to settle local political grudges?

A man rides a motorcycle past a burnt petrol station and a charred building in Mpeketoni, Lamu County, on June 20, 2014. More than 60 people were killed over two days. PHOTO / JOAN PERERUAN

What you need to know:

  • The area was in the 1960s and early 1970s used to settle landless people, mostly from central Kenya, even though there is a significant population of other communities.
  • The killers mostly targeted men — many of them originally from central Kenya — and destroyed property, sparing Muslims and women.
  • An Administration Police camp was among those attacked, and security agencies were criticised for their slow response, with reinforcements said to have arrived more than five hours after the bloodbath started at 8 pm.
  • There were also claims that mobile phone networks were jammed between Sunday 8.30 pm and Monday 4 am, making communication impossible.

The Mpeketoni killings last Sunday and on Tuesday have laid bare Kenya’s security and political frailties.

Days after the brutal attacks in Lamu County that left at least 60 people dead, one question that continues to stir debate is whether they were an act of terror by the Somali-based Al-Shabaab militia group or they were the result of local politics gone awry.

Initial witness accounts suggested the senseless violence had Al-Shabaab fingerprints all over it: Victims put to a faith test to determine if they were Muslims, unprovoked and merciless killings, display of the jihadist flag, demands for the withdrawal of Kenyan troops from Somalia and assailants speaking a mixture of Somali and Kiswahili.

That was even before Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility through their Radio Andalus in Somalia and international news agencies.

But President Uhuru Kenyatta’s address on Tuesday that claimed “the attack in Lamu was well planned, orchestrated and politically motivated ethnic violence against a Kenyan community”, gave credence to an aspect which had until then been limited to inferences by the much-maligned Interior Minister, Mr Joseph ole Lenku, and some social media users.

MORE COMPLEX SITUATION

However, interviews with multiple sources point to a more complex situation that provides a new headache for security agencies, with local political and social problems fitting into Al-Shabaab’s jihadist agenda.

“Local radicalised youth, who knew the area well, were largely involved but Al-Shabaab appears to have supported them with well-trained terrorists, expertise and weapons,” said a source who did not want to be named.

A curious addition to the Al-Shabaab statement claiming responsibility was that Mpeketoni was originally a Muslim town before it was “invaded by Christian settlers”.

The area was in the 1960s and early 1970s used to settle landless people, mostly from central Kenya, even though there is a significant population of other communities. This has been a source of on-and-off tension in Lamu County between those who consider themselves indigenous inhabitants and those thought to be outsiders. This has been reflected in political representation, especially in the last General Election. 

The Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission report released in 2012 noted the land problems in Lamu where some coastal communities complained they had been displaced from their land.

Lamu County Commissioner Stephen Ikua said: “There is a possibility that politics has taken a new twist where Al-Shabaab is being used to fight local political battles.”

The killers mostly targeted men — many of them originally from central Kenya — and destroyed property, sparing Muslims and women. However, there were victims from other communities, raising doubts about the ethnic profiling theory.

Another theory being raised by residents is animosity between pastoralists and farmers.

Mpeketoni is a largely agricultural area. However, there are pastoralists, especially from Tana River County, who seek pastures and water for their animals in Mpeketoni.

The locals claim there are plans to drive the farmers out so that the pastoralists can get enough pasture.

“They have built manyattas somewhere and after the first attack, the raiders retreated there,” claimed Mr James Mwaura, a resident.

Other sources claim some herders had previously warned that they would seek the help of their kin from Somalia to eject those occupying the land.
The proposed Lamu Port and South Sudan, Ethiopia Transport corridor project is also thought to have revived past grievances by those who believe it will attract more people from “upcountry” to take away their land.

But witnesses say the manner in which the killings were executed points to a sophistication beyond local militias, including the Mombasa Republican Council.

“I have never seen that kind of force because they were using such superior weapons that nobody dared venture outside, not even the police,” said chief Gabriel Nzioka.

An Administration Police camp was among those attacked, and security agencies were criticised for their slow response, with reinforcements said to have arrived more than five hours after the bloodbath started at 8 pm.

Mr Nzioka said that on Wednesday, four days before the attack, a meeting was held with police and owners of businesses to discuss security for residents watching World Cup matches.

“We decided that police would be stationed at strategic parts of the town but that did not happen and we were not given any explanation. If police had been on patrol, the attackers would not have dared to carry out the raid,” he said.

This, perhaps, was the reason the attackers, who numbered between 10 and 50, went on an orgy of destruction for hours, occasionally congregating to pray before going on with their mission.

Senior security officers in Mpeketoni have since either been interdicted or sacked for allegedly sleeping on the job.

Mr Nehemiah Okwembah, a Nation journalist who escaped death by a whisker, said police at a roadblock seemed to have been aware of the attack as early as 7 pm and warned him not to drive towards Mpeketoni, advice he ignored but later regretted as he hid in a toilet while gunfire rang out all over the town. 

Residents are also said to have alerted police of the planned raid days before it happened but no action was taken.

The destruction and burnt shells of vehicles have some similarities to the images of Nairobi’s Westgate Mall after last September’s siege.

According to a witness who did not wish to be named for fear of reprisals, the attackers had a “big gun that produced balls of fire”, corroborating suggestions that they may have had bazookas or rocket-propelled grenades.

The witness, who spent the night on a nearby field, said the attackers were well-organised. “Gunshots woke me up and on peeping through the window, I saw about eight casually dressed men with bandanas around their heads standing on the roof of a one-storey building. They were armed with AK-47 rifles and were shooting,” he said.

He said one of the men, who seemed to be the leader, kept barking orders. “They would occasionally march a victim to the centre of the road and slit his throat as they shouted in celebration. This is something I would never imagine in my wildest dreams.”

There were also claims that mobile phone networks were jammed between Sunday 8.30 pm and Monday 4 am, making communication impossible.

Speaking at Kibaoni, 10km from Mpeketoni, where eight people were killed, County Commissioner Ikua confirmed the communication problems.
“A woman called to inform me that her husband had been killed. But a few minutes later I could not get back to her. We are investigating why there was no network on the two nights,” he said.

According to the residents, the attackers seemed to have been targeting particular businesses, mostly those owned by people originally from central Kenya.

For example, a petrol station watchman, Mr Guyo Boroni, told the Nation the facility was spared after he told the attackers it was owned by a Muslim.

Mr Stanley Kariambeu, whose father was killed during the attack, said the raiders seemed to be in the company of individuals who showed them around.

“Before they came to attack our business they were heard asking each other whether the building belonged to my father, Anthony Mwaura,” he said, adding that they went to Farmers Hotel, shot his father and then burnt three trucks and two cars.

Other witnesses said the attack on the second day was even more targeted ethnically than the Sunday one, with some people being asked for identification.

Leaders from the ruling Jubilee Alliance and the  Opposition Cord, with their supporters in tow, have since turned the issue into a political warfare.

There are also fears that Lamu Island might be targeted, according to a member of the community policing who spoke to Sunday Nation on condition of anonymity, but said police had been given reports.

But addressing residents after the attack, nominated Senator Shakila Abdalla claimed there were some people who were bent on causing division.
“We Lamu residents have lived peacefully and we don’t discriminate on the basis of religion or tribe. We will not allow people to divide us,” she said.

Saturday, Mr Nzioka said the situation was calm, although residents were worried of more attacks.

“There are officers all over and the situation is under control. We have appealed to people to re-open their businesses and schools that were closed should prepare for children to go back to tomorrow (Monday),” he told Sunday Nation.