How capacity deficit is constraining party primaries

“What do you think of Western civilisation?” a journalist asked Mahatma Gandhi. “I think it would be a good idea,” he quipped.

Similarly, judging from Kenya’s on-going chaotic poll primaries season, I think the venerated concept of “internal party democracy” is, in practice, proving to be a terribly crazy – and increasingly dangerous – thought.

Running a credible free and fair party primary remains a logistical nightmare for the ruling and opposition parties alike.

In liberal theory, political parties are commonly regarded as private voluntary or common-interest associations.

In this configuration, it would be perfectly in order – and perhaps cost-effective and logical – for parties to hold interviews to select candidates for the coming General Election.

SELECT CANDIDATES

Indeed, many European parties continue to use interviews or conventions to select party candidates for public offices.

It is in this context that the European audience of the British jurist and statesman, Viscount James Bryce (1838-1922), was dumb-struck with disbelief when he explained how American political parties ceased being “voluntary and extra-legal associations of citizens,” were nationalised by the state and turned into “public political institution(s)” regulated by statutory law.

The conversion of purely voluntary and extra-legal associations of citizens (parties) into public institutions in America has been increasingly globalised.

In Kenya, article 91 of the 2010 Constitution effectively transforms political parties into public institutions expected to “abide by democratic principles of good governance, promote and practise democracy through regular fair and free elections within the party.”

INTERNAL DEMOCRACY

As party leaders lose the power of nominating candidates for a public office to the people, internal democracy in the conduct of the business of political parties is considered inviolable and, therefore, sacrosanct.

Like charity, democracy begins at home. Democratic political parties are seen as theatres of nurturing public officers and fostering a democratic culture.

Despite this, the dream of a functional internal party democracy is still a bridge too far.

In Kenya, the bungled mlolongo (queue-voting) in 1988, when Kanu was the sole party, fuelled the advocacy for multiple parties based on internal party democracy.

Since then, serious capacity deficit has constrained intra-party democracy. Moreover, the absence of clear laws limiting voting to party members only has increased the practice of party raiding.

Party raiding has enabled voters of rival parties to vote in the primary of other parties, enabling opposing parties to choose the weakest candidates of the rival party in order to give their own party advantage in the General Election.

POLITICAL FORTUNES

Again, lack of a clear “sore-loser law” to prevent losers in primaries from running using a minor party or as independent is making primaries a mockery and a waste of time and resources.

It has promoted cross-carpeting or party hopping as losers seek political fortunes elsewhere.

Despite having one of the largest numbers of political parties in Africa – estimated at over 160 registered political parties as of November 2007 – Kenya has one of the highest mortality rates of political parties.

This has undermined efforts to build internal capacity of parties, including lack of systems, membership registers and failure to hold regular meetings.

Kenya’s party elections to select candidates for the General Election are marred by incidents of violence, increasing the fear of anarchy in the coming General Election.

POWER ELITE

Notably, for decades the power elite has used violence instrumentally to win elections or a share of state power after disputed elections.

In the North Rift region, violence has been used to distort the environment and to cleanse ethnic rivals ahead of the primaries.

The country is experiencing the resurgence and proliferation of private militias owned by political actors.

In mid-February, hooded assailants stormed a restaurant in Marigat town, Baringo County, and shot dead Loyamorock Ward MCA, Kibet Cheretei, and Jubilee parliamentary aspirant for Tiaty constituency, Pepe Kitambaa.

Also haunting primary elections is the spectre of terrorism locally linked groups such as the Mombasa Republican Council and internationally to al-Shabaab terrorist group.

PUBLIC SYMPATHY

But the post-truth politics is also creeping in with some aspirants in Central Kenya faking violence or “disappearances” to elicit public sympathy.

A mix of drought, scarcity of water and pasture, commercialisation of the cultural practice of cattle-rustling, free flow of illicit arms, and competition for newly discovered mineral resources in some counties is also fostering violence and undermining the environment in which primaries are taking place.

Baringo, Laikipia, West-Pokot, Turkana, Samburu and Elgeyo-Marakwet counties have been in the vortex of a new wave of cattle-rustling and banditry.

Most recently, in March 2017, 13 people were killed and four wounded in Baringo County during a series of cattle rustling incidents blamed on Pokot warriors.

Furthermore, the creation of counties by the 2010 Constitution has turned primary elections competitive, fierce and bloody.

INCREASINGLY LUCRATIVE

After 2013, political business has become increasingly lucrative and those in political positions exalted, privileged and pampered, making the stakes in primaries higher and competition during nominations fierce.

The County Assembly Member’s (MCA) seat has become the new cash cow for political parties. Jubilee reportedly raked in Sh300 million from its 6,000 MCA aspirants while ODM got 125 million from its 5,000 aspirants.

Devolution has complicated internal democracy and the security matrix.

Competition for governor seats in counties like Nairobi has witnessed increasing violence involving gun-wielding gangs.

Finally, the mobilisation of ethnic-based party strongholds or enclaves has placed a special constraint on the progress in ensuring “internal party democracy” and increased the incidents of violence.

Ultimately, strengthening the capacity of Kenyan parties to conduct democratic elections is an important step towards improving the country’s politics as a whole.

Prof Kagwanja is the Chief Executive of Africa Policy Institute