Address historical injustices to win this war
What you need to know:
- Kenya must decide whether to maximise the potential of all its citizens, including the rapidly growing Somali population, or continue on the retrogressive path of discrimination.
- My observation is that the terrorist attacks in Kenya have become chillingly personalised since Operation Usalama Watch.
When it emerged that Abdirahim Mohamed Abdullahi, a law graduate from the University of Nairobi, led the terrorist attack on Garissa University College that left 148 people dead, many people asked what could lead a learned, fairly privileged young man to take up arms and embark on such a sadistic and suicidal mission.
The answer can be found in the history of the relationship of the Somali community, from which Abdullahi hailed, and the Kenyan authorities.
After the end of the Shifta war, it became government policy to subject Kenyan Somalis to extra scrutiny.
A Kenyan Somali would be required to present a long list of documents, including a school leaving certificate, a plot allotment letter, a birth certificate, a letter from the area chief, parents’ ID and screening cards, and go before a vetting committee before he was given a national identity card.
Somalis have always been required to carry identification documents, a practice reminiscent of the detested colonial kipande system.
Because of these requirements, many Kenyan Somalis are unable to obtain IDs, which in turn limits their right to participate in political processes, freedom of movement, right to own property, right to social services, and right to obtain employment.
According to the 2009 census, the Somali had the sixth highest population in Kenya, at 2,385,572. The 2014 Kenya Demographic and Health Survey reported that the former North Eastern Province has the highest birth rate in the country.
ROUNDED UP AND DETAINED
Kenya must decide whether to maximise the potential of all its citizens, including the rapidly growing Somali population, or continue on the retrogressive path of discrimination.
It is obvious that it is easier to radicalise a person who feels disenfranchised than one who feels that he belongs.
The reaction of the national security apparatus does not improve the situation because, rather than deal with the terrorist threat, it tends to victimise the whole community, making the youths prime candidates for Al-Shabaab recruiters.
Take for example Operation Usalama Watch in 2014, during which thousands of Kenyan Somalis and Somali refugees were rounded up and detained.
My observation is that the terrorist attacks in Kenya have become chillingly personalised since Operation Usalama Watch. The terrorists have abandoned the use of explosives and instead prefer to systematically execute innocent people.
In accordance with the United Nations four-pillar counter terrorism strategy, Kenya must curb radicalisation and the funding and training of terrorists while at the same time sprucing up its intelligence gathering and building the capacity of the police to deal with this deadly menace. Above all, it must adhere to the Constitution and the law.
It must address historical injustices and take steps to ensure that every Kenyan feels that he or she is indeed Kenyan.
Lastly, corruption must be purged from the public service, otherwise terrorists will always find a loophole to allow them to visit death and horror upon this country.
The government, Muslim leaders, and civil society must work together to identify, rehabilitate, and neutralise all threats to Kenya’s national security.
Mr Kiprono is an advocate of the High Court and litigation counsel, Kenya National Commission on Human Rights. [email protected]
