Yes, grand corruption is back, and it does not care what damage it inflicts
What you need to know:
- But why are we in this difficult situation? It is politics, stupid. It is because of lack of a powerful centre and the fact that many Cabinet and principal secretaries have come to believe that they are insulated from disciplinary action.
- The on-going controversy over the ownership of Caxton House is a good example. The Lang’ata Road Primary School saga is another.
- I think we should consider creating multiple low-level tribunals and ombudsmen to come to the aid of ordinary citizens faced with routine bribery demands.
Although proving corruption is not easy, recent events point to a new upsurge in the incidence of grand corruption in this country.
The number of the so-called tender wars are on the rise. Indeed, procurement disputes registered either in the High Court or at the Procurement Oversight Authority have escalated to unprecedented levels.
The hearings of these proceedings provide valuable insights into the games being played by the corrupt elite.
The fact that cases of land-grabbing are back in the headlines is another pointer. It would appear that the targets for the corruption cartels are the leases owned by Kenyan-Asians, especially the ones held by immigrants who no longer live in the country and which are about to expire.
The on-going controversy over the ownership of Caxton House is a good example. The Lang’ata Road Primary School saga is another.
And, away from the limelight is an explosive dispute over the ownership of Integrity House, which houses the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission.
Anecdotal evidence gathered from disappointed contractors also point to an upsurge of graft. Admittedly, what a disappointed foreign contractor tells you about how he lost out in a deal is not always true. Some of it is pure sour grapes.
However, in my many years as a journalist, I have come to realise that disappointed contractors are among the best whistleblowers.
They give you good insights into the activities of influential corrupt individuals. It is through the disappointed contractor that you get to know the size of the bribes that corrupt government officials demand.
From what I gather from big contractors these days, it would appear that the corrupt are demanding inordinately large kickbacks.
I sometimes wonder whether these greedy people appreciate the damage they do to the reputation of this country when they demand big bribes from foreigners, who do not keep secrets. Suddenly, you will find that Kenya’s ranking on some bribery perception index compiled by some nondescript anti-corruption watchdog operating in some Western capital has soared.
IT IS POLITICS STUPID
But perhaps the biggest blow to our international reputation right now are the shenanigans surrounding both the Public Accounts Committee and the Ethics and Anti- Corruption Commission.
When you have a situation where the institutions created to fight corruption are the ones being investigated for graft, it tells you that the vice has reached endemic levels. As was the case in the times of Jesus Christ, the money-changers have taken over both our temples — the National Assembly and the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission.
When members of key parliamentary committees publicly trade accusations over bribery allegations, it is a statement about the extent to which corrupt networks have captured this key oversight institution. It is also a statement about the ease with which influence can be bought in our National Assembly.
President Uhuru Kenyatta has been honest enough to accept that corruption is on the increase. Such an admission, coming from the top leadership of the country, shows that we no longer want to bury our heads in the sand.
But why are we in this difficult situation? It is politics, stupid. It is because of lack of a powerful centre and the fact that many Cabinet and principal secretaries have come to believe that they are insulated from disciplinary action.
Since the centre appears to be weak and disorganised, parastatal heads have found room to engage in freelance rent-seeking activities. These days, no large procurement project is concluded without allegations of corruption. Sending some big fish to jail may help, but the emphasis must be put on reforming the system.
As we have learned, Huduma centres can help reduce the need for bribes for things such as licences and identity cards. You create overlapping bureaucracies to provide the same service. Because you can have your identity card or driving licence replaced at the multiple Huduma centres, you do not have to pay those petty bribes to civil servants.
At times, I feel that we do not give adequate attention to the type of corruption that affects the ordinary man and woman. I think we should consider creating multiple low-level tribunals and ombudsmen to come to the aid of ordinary citizens faced with routine bribery demands.
