Electoral fraud in Africa increasingly harder to pull off

Gabon's incumbent President Ali Bongo Ondimba addresses supporters during his last campaign at the Nzang-Ayong stadium in Libreville on August 26, 2016. AFP FILE PHOTO | STEVE JORDAN

What you need to know:

  • Recent elections in Nigeria, Cote d'Ivoire, Benin and Burkina Faso have all been held largely without dispute, overseen by engaged citizens who assured careful monitoring of the process. It is more and more difficult to commit fraud.
  • The last 15 years have seen organisations such as "Y'en a Marre" (We are sick of it) in Senegal, "Le Balai Citoyen" (Citizen sweep-up) in Burkina Faso and "Lutte pour le changement" (Fight for change) in the Democratic Republic of Congo appear, intent on pressing governments to be less opaque.

As demonstrated by the violence that rocked Gabon following the contested re-election of President Ali Bongo, electoral fraud in Africa is becoming increasingly harder to pull off, thanks to civil society vigilance and spread of mobile technology.

Opposition leader Jean Ping declared himself the rightful president of Gabon and called for a vote recount, following Bongo's claim of victory with a razor-thin margin of just under 6,000 votes in the August 27 election.

Recent elections in Nigeria, Cote d'Ivoire, Benin and Burkina Faso have all been held largely without dispute, overseen by engaged citizens who assured careful monitoring of the process. It is more and more difficult to commit fraud.

Preventing fraud with ballot papers will be down to a clear legal framework for organising elections, electoral bodies "in a position to respect the rules", independent figures such as international election observers and a free press and active social media users who would guarantee a fair vote.

West and Central African countries such as Senegal, Ghana and the Atlantic island of Cape Verde have shown Africa how a successful democracy holds an election.

A strong civil society and the combination of free media and citizens with access to new technology to disseminate information is extremely important.

In Senegal, the year 2000 saw a liberal candidate, Abdoulaye Wade, challenge the socialist regime that had held power for 40 years, and get elected president for two terms.

But Wade himself was booted out in 2012 after angering voters with attempts to stay on for a third stint in power, showing the maturity of the electorate. The 2000 election was in large part thanks to the use of mobile phones, but also the Internet.

HEAVY HANDED GOVERNMENT

Any party members tempted to tamper with ballots had to face the large numbers of Senegalese who remained in place at voting stations to ensure it passed off peacefully, and reporters who called in the results to media from mobile phones, especially radio stations, covering the event.

The last 15 years have seen organisations such as "Y'en a Marre" (We are sick of it) in Senegal, "Le Balai Citoyen" (Citizen sweep-up) in Burkina Faso and "Lutte pour le changement" (Fight for change) in the Democratic Republic of Congo appear, intent on pressing governments to be less opaque.

Despite the trend towards more transparent elections, heavy-handed government reactions have not entirely vanished, with the Internet and social media shutdowns during presidential elections in Uganda in February and in Congo-Brazzaville in March, and now in Gabon.

The African Union observers couldn't even communicate properly to complete their tasks in the Congo election that returned long-time leader Denis Sassou Nguesso to power.

But even the continent's most entrenched leaders couldn't escape the effect of the tidal wave of information the Internet has made possible.

Those in power have less and less capacity to manipulate electoral processes. Kenya can therefore learn a lesson or two from the experiences of other countries as we prepare for the 2017 general elections.

The writer teaches International Relations at United States International University–Africa; Email: [email protected]