55 years later, we are still learning Kenya is bigger than tribe

What you need to know:

  • In the corridors of power, the political elite will politic and engage in the private sector together even when it has midwifed political conflict.

  • I have seen a large population of young Kenyans who believe Kenya is bigger than tribe.

  • All of us must now learn to do our politics not on the basis of ethnic chauvinism, but from an ideological standpoint.

Recently I reflected on why Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga decided to unite Kenya 55 years after independence. Why has the country been fractured this long?

According to Kenya’s 2009 census, the composition of the five most populous groups was Kikuyu (17.15 per cent), Luhya (13.82), Kalenjin (12.86), Luo (10.47) and Kamba (10.07) representing about 64.4 per cent of the country’s then population. After this cohort, the Kisii, Mijikenda and Meru constituted 15.7. Clearly none of the above communities could numerically dominate the others.

SOLIDARITY

True, the Luhya, the Kalenjin, the Gema communities, North Eastern and Upper Eastern communities have tried to form socio-cultural entities which can negotiate better in the country’s socio-economic and political arenas. Even the coastal Mijikenda are following suit.

The pursuit of economic and possible political hegemony forces linguistic communities to mask their ethnic character in order to engage in bargaining as happened in 2007, 2013 and 2017.

Kenya’s fragmentation has historically been largely based on tribe as opposed to class or religion or other social cleavage. But as demonstrated above, political leaders from multiple ethnic groups have, when it suits them, mobilised their people to capture political and economic power. So, if we wish we can cross artificially created ethnic barriers.

Jasper Edward Nyaura defines ethnicity “as mobilisation of groups sharing a language, culture and ancestry …” Such mobilisation can serve the purpose of creating group solidarity to achieve mutual protection, cultural expression and political and economic advantage. One ethnic group may routinely exploit or marginalise or demean another/others without batting an eyelid. During the political violence of 1992, 1997 and 2007/8, some Kenyan ethnic groups fought one another due to incitement over inconclusive winner-takes-it-all elections. Members of the most populous ethnic groups were told if the political elite of those communities lost power, then the community in question would not access government appointments, government development projects, government tenders — indeed the national treasury.

IDENTITY

Ethnic identity is not always manipulated to produce conflict and discrimination against others. Through a group’s cultural identity, worldview, knowledge acquisition, education, skilling, character formation and economic well-being can be achieved. We learn how to live with our group members and across ethnicities for mutual benefit. In the case of Nyerere’s Tanganyika/Tanzania ethnic groups begin to also merge to become a nation with even one supra-language Kiswahili and other 120 local languages. Again in Nyerere’s country economic marginalisation across ethnicities was not a norm. Under Kenya’s constitution, ethnic identity, cultures and languages are protected and promoted. Discrimination on the basis of ethnic identity is outlawed.

However, negative ethnicity has accompanied Kenya’s journey towards statehood. During the colonial era, the British, through indirect rule, emphasised our ethnic identities. Stereotyping was developed to the extent that Kenyan groups began to view each other from the lenses of the British masters. Even ethnic group members were encouraged and socialised into certain careers such as government service while others who were not trusted eventually gravitated towards business.

At the onset of independence, those groups whose leadership ascended into state power took over control of the economy. With time those outside the political kingdom began to argue they were marginalised. In North Eastern Kenya, where this marginalisation was extreme, communities fought the rest of Kenya, and later among themselves, due to competition for pasture and water resources. In the recent economic performance report, even after six years of devolution, marginalisation continues. The counties which contribute least to the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are Isiolo, Samburu, Lamu, Marsabit, Tana River, Mandera, Wajir, Garissa and West Pokot.

BIGOTRY

When I was a university student between 1973 and 1976, university students had begun to organise themselves within tribal associations. As a university teacher between 1977 and 2002, I saw lecturers also subscribe to ethnic ideology and bigotry. In the senior common room, where we habitually refreshed ourselves, some of us would converge on ethnic basis. If you wandered where you did not belong, after a while the dominant group would converse in their mother tongue. But many lecturers were harbingers of a national agenda.

A deepened devolution system and economic inclusion is key to introducing equity in the country and hence ethnic inter-dependence and harmony. We have had two key political liberations; a third economic liberation will secure all Kenyans and especially the youth. Then it will not be necessary to benefit from playing the ethnic card. And, behold, the Kenyan nation will begin to flower.

And who is the new Kenyan? He/she is not a slave to negative ethnicity. They proudly celebrate their ethnic identity and respect the identities of others.

How does one identify them?

In Kenya, inter-marriages are common place. Perhaps we are not just 44 or so ethnic groups. One of the largest ethnic groups in Kenya could be that of the “Mixed Kenyan” (MK). Some of these don’t even know or care to know vernacular languages; they are detribalised and are of national stock.

CHAUVINISM

When I was in high school between 1967-1972, I was in a national school where I met Kenyans from most of our communities. I learnt not to speak my mother tongue before people who did not understand it. I learnt to respect other cultures. Unfortunately, subsequently national schools were de-emphasised. The recent re -introduction of these schools is likely to ensure Kenyan young people study and grow together.

On their part the Kenyan diaspora, by and large, transcends ethnic boundaries. This elite is a future animator of Kenya and the Africa continent. In the major cities and towns, we meet in the same workplace space. We interact and build cross-ethnic lifelong relationships. We worship in the same churches, mosques and temples. We acknowledge our common spirituality and humanity. We do business together. In the corridors of power, the political elite will politic and engage in the private sector together even when it has midwifed political conflict. I have seen a large population of young Kenyans who believe Kenya is bigger than tribe.

All of us must now learn to do our politics not on the basis of ethnic chauvinism, but from an ideological standpoint. We have an opportunity to build a nation and common destiny at last.

Prof Kibwana is the Governor for Makueni County.