Free the masses from grip of ethnic chieftains

The crowds at Uhuru Park grounds in Nairobi during a past political rally. PHOTO | FILE | NATION MEDIA GROUP

What you need to know:

  • Ethnic identities may fragment into clannism and even further into “villagism”.
  • Modern constitutions do guarantee diversity and the fundamental rights of all.
  • We have to appreciate that people will create their identities as a matter of course whether we like it or not.

In 2017, President Uhuru Kenyatta proclaimed Kenyans of Asian heritage to be the 44th tribe. Previously in 2016 the Makonde community, originally from Mozambique, had been recognised as the 43rd tribe of Kenya.

Other groups that have asserted their Kenyan identity are Nubian, Pemba, Galjael and Shona communities.

In his book Identity: Contemporary Identity Politics and the Struggle for Recognition (2018), Francis Fukuyama observes that non-recognition of people’s inner selves raises the pertinent issue of identity, or identity politics. And further that people express resentment towards those who deny them due recognition.

SOCIAL CLASS

People may exploit their skin colour, gender, national origin, looks, ethnicity, sexual orientation, social class, region, religion, education or even the music sub-genre for young people as identity markers.

Recently when Makueni County took several street children to Mully’s Children’s Family at Ndalani, one of them disclosed that when he eventually becomes a pilot, he would fly over Emali town just to establish whether it still existed. He was asserting the identity of street children who experience unimaginable discrimination, deprivation and abuse.

Fukuyama continues to assert that people experience disrespect in different ways leading to the search of their own dignity. As a consequence, identity politics leads to the division of societies into disintegrated groups ‘by virtue of their… “lived experience” of victimisation.’

The Kenya, or rather African elite, is not a monolithic entity.

It consists of, among others, business, political, professional, bureaucratic, faith, non-state actors, academia and security elite.

Even in each of these categories, sub-identities will manifest themselves. For example, the political elite may fragment into ideological formations such as far right, centre right, centre, centre left, social democratic and revolutionary.

THREE IDENTITIES
Other critical broad identities are the middle class, farmers, traders, students, youth, women, persons with disability, etc.
In Tanzanian parlance, three broad socio-economic identities are profiled. These are walalahoi, the poor; walalaheri, the middle class, and walalahai, the rich.

In our Kenyan society, we have to appreciate that people will create their identities as a matter of course whether we like it or not.

Indeed, many people will have multiple identities. One can be a farmer and a Muslim. Another can be a business person and an intellectual and so on. If a society is fraught with adverse inequality, its identities will usually become atomised.

Ethnic identities may fragment into clannism and even further into “villagism”. I have known of neighbouring villages which don’t see eye to eye and will not share scarce grazing fields or water resources.

Can discordant or differing identities coalesce to unite a people? Let us remember a principle objective of the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) is to end divisive ethnic antagonism and competition and guarantee inclusivity.

DOMINANT IDENTITIES
In present day Western countries, and generally neo-liberal democracies, politicians of the populist variant are adroitly identifying and mobilising dominant identities.

For example, given the backdrop of widespread recent immigration, populist leaders in Europe strategise to capture the greater part of populations in elections.

Fukuyama writes: “(Such majorities) can be seduced by leaders who tell them that they have been betrayed and disrespected by the existing power structures, and that they are members of important communities whose greatness will again be recognised.’ Trump’s victory in November 2016 was thus largely predicated on resurgent nationalism.

In Kenya, the political parties, as is common knowledge, are founded on ethnic identity. This is either one single ethnic identity or a coalition of ethnic identities. Jubilee’s backbone was Gema and the Kalenjin identities.

ODM has had total support of the Luo identity, but tries to espouse a centre left ideology. Ford Kenya and Amani have as their bedrock Luhya identity while Wiper has a distinct Kamba colour.

WORK TOGETHER

As for Kenya, groups are made to aspire and work together or “unite” when their ethnic supremos enter into coalitions and memoranda of understanding. Such temporary abandonment of ethnic identity produces unity of convenience between sections of the political class. Such elite is united primarily as walalahai.

The problem arises when it is time to share the spoils of power. Combinations of several ethnic groups have come together to present the winning political side. In the next round of elections, they may be on differing sides. Therefore, the ordinary citizens — walalahoi — have no problem working together until their politicians dissuade them from doing so.

As Fukuyama notes, the politicians may evoke a sense of former greatness of their ethnic group or coalition of groups and denigrate another community or communities as oppressive and exploitative. The privileged class unites specifically to promote their economic interests, while the poor in Africa usually unite when advised to do so by their ethnic leaders or rarely when they rebel.

Fukuyama further remarks: “Thymos is the part of the soul that craves recognition of dignity; isothymia is the demand to be respected on an equal basis with other people: while megalothymia is the desire to be recognised as superior.”

LEGITIMATE IDENTITIES

A country’s citizens must be accorded their dignity. Modern constitutions do guarantee diversity and the fundamental rights of all. Hence both political liberation and economic liberation provide the sound framework for articulation of legitimate identities for all and sundry.

Fukuyama poignantly observes: “Identity can be used to divide, but it can and has also been used to integrate.” We must embrace the identity of the ethnic group, but go beyond the tribe.

We must acknowledge the ethnic identity of our leaders and ourselves, but desist from being politically manipulated through the prism of tribe.

Widespread political education is necessary to free the masses from the hold of ethnic chieftains who use identity in the populist nationalistic sense to control citizens. We must mobilise the power of positive identity. A truly united Kenya is a continental gem.

Prof Kibwana is the Makueni Governor